Baguio is known as the summer capital of the Philippines. Its milder climate air has historically made it an attractive place for vacation and leisure for the elite class. A history of colonial exploitation has all but segregated the population in especially class terms. The attractions of the capital, living areas especially, are reserved for the elite class of people who can afford it – this group is nearly across the board not the locals. The locals are pushed out as developments continue to make their way into the city and their role as an economic driving force becomes limited and tightly defined within their own boundaries.
Through its historical developments as the summer capital and personal experience, what I propose to discuss is how we can analyze how this class distinction has unfolded. Specifically, what we will look at are at least a few of the factors that have led to the economic disparity – early developments, war, and redesign. I will not detail each factor in great length, but speak generally of these things as a framework to discuss the way in which the Baguio demographics are outlined – making use especially of Alcantara’s Baguio Between Two Wars: The Creation and Destruction of a Summer Capital. I argue that as a result of growing capitalist interest how consumerism has built a city wide attraction for tourism and vacationers at the expense of the local culture.
Baguio is a popular place for the consumption of ‘local tastes’. When we were in Baguio, the anticipated stop was the flea market where one could buy/barter for local tastes. Wood carved luxuries, locally focused pasalubongs (souvenirs), and home grown foods were main features of the flea market consumption. The takeaway here is that these are for the most part produced and disseminated by the locals. The flea market is a prominent part of the economic drive of the city as a tourist spot, but how do locals find themselves in this position? What is the cause of locals having to sell their culture as a brand of tourism?
During American occupation, Baguio was not only attractive for newly placed institutions but also served as a military expedition. “Applying a city plan designed by the renowned architect Daniel H. Burnham, the government delineated sites for parks, public buildings, government cottages, structures for religious institutions, and residential areas. On a fine tract of land reserved for a military post began the construction of temporary barracks and cottages for the commanding general and officers” (Alcantra 2002). Early developments even purposefully drove out the locals as crossing through the gates was a rather marginalized commodity (2002).
War then continued to disparage the city as Japanese occupation and then impending wars with America found themselves in Baguio (2002). Thus, the city became a ruin, but what was not destroyed was the preexisting social constraints. Once the Philippines and Baguio was reclaimed from the US forces, Baguio lost its status as a summer capital but the economic barriers still persisted. Thus, it still continues to serve its purpose as a place for the elites to come and go while the locals who have been ousted from their local area find themselves in a position where they must sell their culture.
The taste stays the same at the expense of the locals. At this point, the local culture can only exist as a part of the consumerist culture. As long as it continues to be this kind of burgeoning capitalist enterprise, the only use of the locals is as part of a driving force of the economy.
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